Growing uncertainty among donors and development organizations
about the outcome of the ongoing political crisis in Mali does not bode
well for development prospects of this north-west African country -
already one of the poorest and least developed in the world.
Since their deployment in early January in response to a plea from the Malian president, French troops, with the support of a rag-tag African army dispatched by the AU, have made rapid gains and regained much of the territory lost to insurgents following the March 2012 military coup that triggered the Islamist takeover of the north.
Even if they wrest back control of the northernmost territory taken by the insurgents, analysts argue that the French intervention leaves unresolved the question of securing the country and creating enduring peace and stability in a country riven by corruption and economic mismanagement, a mutinous and disaffected military, fractious political groups and squabbling northern separatist's militants and movements.
Within the international development community, questions are being asked about the likely scope and duration of the French and other international operations in Mali and the nature of the end-state such operations are seeking to bring into being. Answers are also being sought regarding the extent to which any security gains made are likely to be durable.
Of immediate concern to many is the question of the Malian military itself - whether it is able and willing to secure and hold territory cleared by French military operations? And what are the prospects of restoring Mali's territorial integrity and unity and the likely repercussions of the ongoing military operations for regional security and humanitarian conditions.
Many of the donors and development organizations that have suspended aid to Mali are anxiously awaiting answers to these questions before they can resume operations or commit themselves to any new development agenda for the country. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, many of Mali's Western donors immediately suspended aid and development support, although humanitarian assistance has largely not been stopped. Organizations such as the Millennium Development Corporations, the African Development Bank and the World Bank immediately announced a suspension of their development operations in the country. At the sae time, major donor countries like Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain have all suspended development aid packages to Mali while the European Union have put on hold development operations until the situation stabilises.
Meanwhile, aggravated by the population displacements linked to the insecurity in northern Mali and the political crisis triggered by the coup, the food crisis in the country is evolving into a humanitarian crisis that is spiralling into a regional food security emergency. The ensuing violence in Mali has caused more than 460,000 people to flee their homes, many of them fleeing across the border into Mauritania, Niger and Burkina Faso. The United Nations estimates that more than 3,599 have been internally displaced since January 10, adding to the 228,920 already displaced. The International Medical Corps UK estimates that approximately 6,062 new Malian refugees have crossed the border since January 10, adding to the 147,000 Malian refugees already living in neighbouring states. An estimated 747,000 people in Mali are reportedly suffering from moderate to severe food insecurity and require immediate food assistance.
The implications of French military operations for humanitarian conditions and for aid workers are uncertain, according to Africa analyst Alexis Arieff. In a paper prepared as part of the Congressional Research Services for Members and Committees of Congress (the US Congress), Arieff says that although aid groups have been able to work in the north through local staff and partner organizations, security threats to personnel have challenged aid delivery.
In the meantime, the economic slowdown and suspension of aid by several donors means that the availability and quality of basic social services, such as health and education services are very limited. The tragedy of it all is that Mali is already one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world, ranking 175 out of 187 countries in the United Nations Development Programme's 2011 human development index (HDI). At 0.359 (and life expectancy of 51.4), Mali's HDI for 2011 is well below the Low Human Development category. According to UNDP's HDI groups, 0.889 is ranked as the Very High Human Development category, 0.741 as the High Human Development category, and 0.630 as the Medium Human Development category, and 0.456 as the Low Human Development category.
The HDI is a composite index measuring average achievement in three basic dimensions of human development - a long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living. The top five countries on the HDI are Norway at 0.943 (life expectancy 81.1), Australia at 0.929 (life expectancy of 81.9), Netherlands at 0.910 (life expectancy of 80.7), and New Zealand at 0.908 (life expectancy of 80.7).
It is clear that the solution to Mali's entrenched woes lies in long-term strategic solutions encompassing economic growth, human development, conflict resolution, good governance and sound statecraft. In the short-term, strategies have to be devised that will capitalize on window of stability provided by the French military intervention. Essentially, this is the time for the international community to quickly come together and reassure Malians of their support, not a time to abandon them. Economic deprivations combined with political upheaval make people rich subjects to radicalization. Peace and stability is not only in the interest of Mali and the West African region, but also that of Africa as a whole - and beyond.
Just as the world community comes together to offer their support, so should the African Union step into the fray, to play a more active role and compliment inflows of international development aid by engaging Malians in the process of building and nurturing an inclusive democratic infrastructure. The African Peer Review Mechanism, run by the AU's New Partnership for Africa's Development unit, is the ideal tool to deploy for such purposes.
Although traditionally slow to act, the AU has demonstrated with the recently held international donor conference that it can sometimes act collectively for a common good and produce result. The organisation raised at the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa US$453 from donor pledges for humanitarian assistance in Mali and to help secure the country following the invasion by Islamist extremist in the north of the country. The funds are expected to also help expedite the deployment of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA).
Although falling short by nearly half the estimated requirements, it is a good start. The key is to maintain the momentum. Before they can be persuaded to move back into Mali, the international community - and, in particular, donors and development agencies - need to have confidence that efforts and initiatives are already underway on the ground by those who stand most to gain from sustainable stability in the region.
Since their deployment in early January in response to a plea from the Malian president, French troops, with the support of a rag-tag African army dispatched by the AU, have made rapid gains and regained much of the territory lost to insurgents following the March 2012 military coup that triggered the Islamist takeover of the north.
Even if they wrest back control of the northernmost territory taken by the insurgents, analysts argue that the French intervention leaves unresolved the question of securing the country and creating enduring peace and stability in a country riven by corruption and economic mismanagement, a mutinous and disaffected military, fractious political groups and squabbling northern separatist's militants and movements.
Within the international development community, questions are being asked about the likely scope and duration of the French and other international operations in Mali and the nature of the end-state such operations are seeking to bring into being. Answers are also being sought regarding the extent to which any security gains made are likely to be durable.
Of immediate concern to many is the question of the Malian military itself - whether it is able and willing to secure and hold territory cleared by French military operations? And what are the prospects of restoring Mali's territorial integrity and unity and the likely repercussions of the ongoing military operations for regional security and humanitarian conditions.
Many of the donors and development organizations that have suspended aid to Mali are anxiously awaiting answers to these questions before they can resume operations or commit themselves to any new development agenda for the country. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, many of Mali's Western donors immediately suspended aid and development support, although humanitarian assistance has largely not been stopped. Organizations such as the Millennium Development Corporations, the African Development Bank and the World Bank immediately announced a suspension of their development operations in the country. At the sae time, major donor countries like Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain have all suspended development aid packages to Mali while the European Union have put on hold development operations until the situation stabilises.
Meanwhile, aggravated by the population displacements linked to the insecurity in northern Mali and the political crisis triggered by the coup, the food crisis in the country is evolving into a humanitarian crisis that is spiralling into a regional food security emergency. The ensuing violence in Mali has caused more than 460,000 people to flee their homes, many of them fleeing across the border into Mauritania, Niger and Burkina Faso. The United Nations estimates that more than 3,599 have been internally displaced since January 10, adding to the 228,920 already displaced. The International Medical Corps UK estimates that approximately 6,062 new Malian refugees have crossed the border since January 10, adding to the 147,000 Malian refugees already living in neighbouring states. An estimated 747,000 people in Mali are reportedly suffering from moderate to severe food insecurity and require immediate food assistance.
The implications of French military operations for humanitarian conditions and for aid workers are uncertain, according to Africa analyst Alexis Arieff. In a paper prepared as part of the Congressional Research Services for Members and Committees of Congress (the US Congress), Arieff says that although aid groups have been able to work in the north through local staff and partner organizations, security threats to personnel have challenged aid delivery.
In the meantime, the economic slowdown and suspension of aid by several donors means that the availability and quality of basic social services, such as health and education services are very limited. The tragedy of it all is that Mali is already one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world, ranking 175 out of 187 countries in the United Nations Development Programme's 2011 human development index (HDI). At 0.359 (and life expectancy of 51.4), Mali's HDI for 2011 is well below the Low Human Development category. According to UNDP's HDI groups, 0.889 is ranked as the Very High Human Development category, 0.741 as the High Human Development category, and 0.630 as the Medium Human Development category, and 0.456 as the Low Human Development category.
The HDI is a composite index measuring average achievement in three basic dimensions of human development - a long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living. The top five countries on the HDI are Norway at 0.943 (life expectancy 81.1), Australia at 0.929 (life expectancy of 81.9), Netherlands at 0.910 (life expectancy of 80.7), and New Zealand at 0.908 (life expectancy of 80.7).
It is clear that the solution to Mali's entrenched woes lies in long-term strategic solutions encompassing economic growth, human development, conflict resolution, good governance and sound statecraft. In the short-term, strategies have to be devised that will capitalize on window of stability provided by the French military intervention. Essentially, this is the time for the international community to quickly come together and reassure Malians of their support, not a time to abandon them. Economic deprivations combined with political upheaval make people rich subjects to radicalization. Peace and stability is not only in the interest of Mali and the West African region, but also that of Africa as a whole - and beyond.
Just as the world community comes together to offer their support, so should the African Union step into the fray, to play a more active role and compliment inflows of international development aid by engaging Malians in the process of building and nurturing an inclusive democratic infrastructure. The African Peer Review Mechanism, run by the AU's New Partnership for Africa's Development unit, is the ideal tool to deploy for such purposes.
Although traditionally slow to act, the AU has demonstrated with the recently held international donor conference that it can sometimes act collectively for a common good and produce result. The organisation raised at the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa US$453 from donor pledges for humanitarian assistance in Mali and to help secure the country following the invasion by Islamist extremist in the north of the country. The funds are expected to also help expedite the deployment of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA).
Although falling short by nearly half the estimated requirements, it is a good start. The key is to maintain the momentum. Before they can be persuaded to move back into Mali, the international community - and, in particular, donors and development agencies - need to have confidence that efforts and initiatives are already underway on the ground by those who stand most to gain from sustainable stability in the region.
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